Integrantes del Movimiento Antorchista de la Ciudad de México, encabezados por la dirigente Gloria Brito Nájera arribaron a las puertas de palacio nacional para llevar a cabo un mitin de protesta en durante la tradicional " mañanera” del Presidente AMLITO para exigir su intervención y castigar a los asesinos de los militantes Conrado Hernández, Mercedes Martínez y su hijo Vladimir en el estado de Guerrero, este jueves.
En el acto vale detallar que entre sus consignas espetaron ; Que no se detendran hasta obtener justicia para sus compañeros y no solo por ellos, sino tambien por México ya que a la par aseguraron que nuestro país, llora por tanta violencia e inseguridad y que solo ha encontrado impunidad, a decir de la citada representante de los Antorchistas de la Capital del País. Asi mismo enfatizo que el clima de violencia se ha convertido en uno de los problemas más sentidos por todos los mexicanos, “el escandaloso problema en nuestro País, que se ha vuelto muy delicado, debido al incremento en el número de las muertes, que lejos de disminuir crece y crece y no para, ¿a cuántos mexicanos no les quitará el sueño las atrocidades criminales que vivimos día a día y que van en aumento en nuestro País al grado que la magnitud de esas noticias ha traspasado nuestras fronteras?”, por lo que Brito Nájera convoco a los mexicanos a mostrar su inconformidad, ya que dijo “no podemos seguir bajo la ilusión, tras la cortina de humo o engaños de que en México todo va bien mientras la realidad nos dice todo lo contrario. Indico es urgente que los mexicanos no cerremos los ojos ante la realidad, pues se calcula que al término del sexenio de López Obrador el número de asesinatos será de 209 mil 494 personas, la cifra más alta alcanzada por un Presidente en la historia de nuestro País, por lo que hoy los Antorchistas lanzamos un grito de dolor e indignación, pero además es un grito de exigencia para que se castigue el cobarde asesinato de tres de nuestros compañeros, sucedido en el Estado de Guerrero; “exigimos castigo y denunciamos que ni la Gobernadora del Estado ni otra Autoridad ha dado la cara para darnos respuesta; ¿por qué ese silencio?. Por su parte el vocero de MAN Homero Aguirre Enríquez, denunció que los altos niveles de violencia en que se encuentran los mexicanos no son ignorados por los demás Países y los medios extranjeros: “un portal suizo publicó esta semana una nota con datos alarmantes respecto al crecimiento de la criminalidad en nuestro País. México registró en los primeros cuatro meses del año al menos 2,195 crímenes de «extrema violencia», con un promedio de 18 «atrocidades» diarias, según el informe de la organización mexicana Causa en Común”, así mismo reiteró que la escalada de violencia vivida en todo el País está ligada a la gestión de la llamada “Cuarta Transformación” y su pésima estrategia de combate a la violencia: “el estado de Guerrero se encuentra entre las Entidades con mayor número de asesinatos. Nadie puede negar que este tipo de crímenes han incrementado desde que MORENA llegó al poder, actualmente este Partido tiene la mayoría en la Cámara de Diputados y Senadores, además de la mayoría de los Gobernadores”, además dijo que “MORENA no ha cumplido su promesa de acabar con la violencia y cada vez está más lejos de cumplirla. El Presidente no quiere reconocer que la violencia es hija de su política errada, donde los criminales y el crimen organizado andan sin ser molestados…Asi las cosas, los antorchistas al final lograron que una comision fuera recibida para establecer una mesa de dialogo con la secretaria de seguridad federal Rosa Icela Rodriguez quien se comprometio a resolver el citado caso de violencia y pedir resultados a la gobernadora de esa entidad Joselyn Salgad
SAN LUNES TANDAS AND FOOTBALL. MEXICO WITHOUT DT 2 MONTHS AFTER THE FAILURE IN QATAR 2022, THE CONTROVERSY BETWEEN CLAUDIA S CONTINUES. AND XANTAL CUEVAS, AFFECTED BY LINE 3 OF THE STC METRO, DO NOT BELIEVE IN THE VERSION OF THE CAPITAL AUTHORITIES ON LINE 3.
BY REPOR CHUPER
GGOnce again in this piz..... pireta disinformative slander that appears jejeje in another traditional San Monday, with the usual hangover ethylic, apostolic and Roman after the mass pambolerachaira and illiterate, can barely with the famous slope of January, that despite what the DT of the nation says, the great tata ganson, everything rises and rises as soon as the poor can survive, in return the opium of the people that is to say the national fucho is still stagnant and proof of this, is that two months after the sad results of the national disappointment in the past World Cup of Qatar 2022, the men in gray still do not decide that national DT could start the green mice again, and although men like the great HUGOL SANCHEZ or Piojo Herrera have announced their desire, the truth is that the owners of the teams think about everything, except how to get a foreign technician to come to fill the bags of dollars to Mexico in exchange for becoming maje as always. However, the King of Cash, PARDON TO the KING of the National Palace and only what matters least, he prefers to promote the former king of sports, that is, baseball although some come out punched, like a good part of his cabinet that do not give one, they only spend it flattering the precise in turn and to charge seriously. While this is happening, the critical mass of the PRIANPRD seeks to prevent Tata Lopez Ganson's plan B, which aims to end the waste of IFE employees who take large salaries, while ordinary men barely receive a mediocre income. Thus, the ball continues in the air, at the same time follows the circus of the major doctor corcholata already well known and the lady mayor of the Cuauhtemoc, better known as Lady Lady for her cholera outbursts. So both public servants disque wash their image before public opinion, after the police farce headed by the capital authorities in the building of the aforementioned demarcation in past days, under the pretext of subversive propaganda in vs. of the head of government already indicated. The funny thing is that the Cuevas argued that this does not know the origin of the flyers and posters, if chucha as the cherries did not say, while the blues supported Xantall, the legislators of the Congress of the CDMX related or obigados by the circumstances asked for impeachment to the yesterday PRD. At the same time, the aforementioned official Cuevas did not stay behind and also asked for the impeachment of the head of the Moreno local government. But while these two public servants are given even with the bucket in a media circus, those affected by line 3 of the STC disapprove of the actions to clarify the facts of the fatal accident that cost the life of a young student Yatziri Velasquez, that times Mr. Don Ganso, pardon Don Simon, better runs the FIRST TIME.- the lawyer Cristopher Estupiñán, legal representative of the parents of Yaretzi Adriana – who lost her life on January seven in the collision of two trains on Line three of the Metro – in a media conference, reported that those affected by the tragedy are outraged and against the statements of the Attorney General's Office (FGJ) that indicate that the accident was due to the fact that the driver of the convoy was negligent in making his work, as well as the alleged theft of cables that sabotaged the proper functioning of the system. At the same time, the lawyer stressed that in the investigation there are Facts that have not been clarified, because he commented that it is incoherent that after the cables were stolen, the service has not been interrupted. On the other hand, he assured that the only objective of having blamed the Metro driver was to resolve the case internally without deepening or involving other possible perpetrators; He also described as illegal that none of those affected in the crash was called to testify at the hearing. "The FGJ stated that the autopilot failed, but according to the specifications of the company that built the cars, the trains are designed to stop automatically when they approach 200 meters between each other. If at 00:00 hours the maintenance teams identified that there were stolen cables, why did they take responsibility and did not interrupt the service?; Why didn't they answer what a train stopped halfway was doing? And they explain that in a tunnel without light it is impossible for the driver to warn and communicate to the control post." He also named as inappropriate the accusations of the prosecution towards the driver who was blamed as the only person responsible for the incident, since they consider that the theories presented by the authorities are not clear at the time of the recreation of the facts. "What the prosecution said on Friday was that everything can fail and is acceptable, such as signaling systems, automatic piloting, the communication system between the command between the driver, short circuits and lack of maintenance; But what is unacceptable is that a driver does not brake, it is offensive and a mockery of the memory of those affected." Likewise, the lawyer announced the legal actions that Yaretzi's family will initiate against the Metro Collective Transportation System, since they deny the veracity of the arguments that the authorities provided to the media. Since they argue "We have expanded the complaint against the Metro for the omissions in the control of the organization, so that it is that system that faces a criminal investigation or that they explain who is going to be responsible." In turn, Estupiñán accused the FGJ of not having summoned those involved in the accident, as well as their legal representatives in the hearing held on Friday against the driver, allegedly guilty of the crash. " None of us who are here were summoned, a case that is a violation of our human rights because none of the victims went to ratify a complaint, nor was the copy of the investigation folder shared with us. We only learned through the media of that hearing, they are processes in which we do not agree and they are illegal actions that violate the national code of procedures and constitutional rights of the victim, because they have to be informed of all the processes. " EXTRA TIME.- Not without first advancing that they will file a request for nullity and reinstatement of procedure, since their access to justice was obstructed, in addition to not accepting any check until they know the scope of the insurance policy. He assured that another of the accusations that the family will file against the Metro will be that the forensic doctors who participated in helping the injured were instructed to classify the wounds as injuries that take men.You that 15 days to heal, an act that according to those affected interrupts their right to justice. "It is implausible that when an affected person goes in a wheelchair with clinical sheets that say that his injuries require assessment, they tell us that the forensic doctor assured that no longer recovery time is necessary. In addition, they left out Aranza (friend of Yaretzi who also witnessed the accident, was not cited, left her without her right of access to justice and reparation of the damage. At the end he indicated that he already asked Ken Salazar, ambassador of the United States, that in response to the incidents of the Metro issue a travel alert so that American citizens are informed about the risks involved in using the STC, a real death trap according to thousands of users who daily meet in this transport cart, that already collapses and requires new engineering and not only, palliatives said the legal advisor. NEITHER HOPE nor rice with the 4T.
san lunes tandas y futbol
SAN LUNES TANDAS Y FUTBOL. MEXICO SIN DT A 2 MESES DEL FRACASO EN QATAR 2022, SIGUE LA POLEMICA ENTRE CLAUDIA S . Y XANTAL CUEVAS, AFECTADOS DE LINEA 3 DEL STC METRO NO CREEN EN LA VERSION DE LAS AUTORIDADES CAPITALINAS EN LA LINEA 3.
POR REPOR CHUPER
Una vez mas en esta piz.....pireta calumnia desinformativa que conste jejeje en otro tradicional san lunes, con la acostumbrada resaca etilica, apostolica y romana luego de que la masa pambolerachaira y analfabeta, apenas puede con la famosa cuesta de enero, que pese a lo que diga el DT de la nacion, el gran tata ganson, todo sube y sube apenas los pobres podemos sobrevivir, a cambio el opio del pueblo es decir el fucho nacional sigue estancado y prueba de ello, es que a dos meses de los tristes resultados de la decepcion nacional en el pasado mundial de Quatar 2022, los hombres de gris siguen sin decidir que DT nacional pudiera echar a andar de nuevo a los ratoncitos verdes, y aunque han anunciado su deseo hombres como el gran HUGOL SANCHEZ o el Piojo Herrera, lo cierto es que los dueños de los equipos piensan en todo , menos en como lograr que un tecnico foraneo venga a llenarse las bolsas de dolares a Mexico a cambio de hacerse maje como siempre. Sin embargo al Rey del Cash, PERDON AL REY de Palacio Nacional es lo que menos le importa, el prefiere disque promover el otrora rey de los deportes, es decir el beisboll aunque algunos salgan ponchados, como buena parte de su gabinete que no dan una, solo se la pasan adulando al preciso en turno y a cobrar en serio. Mientras esto acontece la masa critica del PRIANPRD busca impedir a como de lugar el plan B del Tata Lopez Ganson, el cual pretende segun el acabar con el dispendio de los colaboradores del IFE que se llevan grandes salarios, mientras los hombres de a pie, apenas recibe un mediocre ingreso. Asi las cosas, sigue la pelota en el aire , a la par sigue el circo de la doctora corcholata mayor ya de sobra conocida y la señora alcaldesa de la Cuauhtemoc , mejor conocida como Lady Señora por sus arranques de colera. Por lo que ambas disque servidoras publicas se lavan la imagen ante la opinion publica, luego del sainete policiaco encabezado por las autoridades capitalinas en el inmueble de la citada demarcacion en dias pasados, so pretexto de propaganda subersiva en vs de la jefa de gobierno ya señalada. Lo chistoso es que la Cuevas argumento que ella desconoce el origen de los volantes y carteles, si chucha como no diran los guindas, mientras que los azules respaldaron a Xantall, los legisladores del Congreso de la CDMX afines o obligados por las circunstacias pidieron juicio politico a la ayer perredista. A la par la citada funcionaria Cuevas tampoco se quedo atras y pidio tambien juicio politico a la jefa de jefas del gobierno local morenista. Pero mientras estas dos servidoras publicas se dan hasta con la cubeta en un circo mediatico, los afectados de la linea 3 del STC reprueban las acciones para esclarecer los hechos del fatal accidente que costo la vida a una joven estudiante Yatziri Velasquez , que tiempos señor don Ganso, perdon don Simon, mejor corre el PRIMER TIEMPO.- el abogado Cristopher Estupiñán, representante legal de los padres de Yaretzi Adriana —quien perdió la vida el pasado siete de enero en el choque de dos trenes en la Línea tres del Metro— en rueda de medios , informó que los afectados de la tragedia están indignados y en contra de las declaraciones de la Fiscalía General de Justicia (FGJ) que indican que el accidente se debió a que el conductor del convoy fue negligente al realizar su trabajo, asimismo como el presunto robo de cables que sabotearon el funcionamiento correcto del sistema. A la par el abogado recalcó que en la investigación existen hechos que no han sido esclarecidos, pues comentó que es incoherente que después de que los cables fueron sustraídos, no se haya interrumpido el servicio. Por otra parte, aseguró que el único objetivo de haber culpado al conductor del Metro fue resolver internamente el caso sin profundizar ni involucrar a otros posibles responsables; además calificó como ilegal que ninguno de los afectados en el choque fue llamado a declarar en la audiencia. Resalto “La FGJ declaró que falló el piloto automático, pero según las especificaciones de la empresa que construyó los vagones, los trenes están diseñados para detenerse automáticamente cuando se acercan 200 metros entre uno y otro. Si a las 00:00 horas los equipos de mantenimiento identificaron que había cables robados ¿por qué asumieron la responsabilidad y no interrumpieron el servicio?; ¿por qué no respondieron qué hacía un tren parado a mitad del camino? y explican que en un túnel sin luz es imposible que el conductor advirtiera y se comunicara al puesto de control”. SEGUNDO TIEMPO.- También nombró como inapropiados los señalamientos de la fiscalía hacia el conductor a quien se le culpó como el único responsable del incidente, pues consideran que las teorías presentadas por las autoridades no son claras en el momento de la recreación de los hechos. “Lo que dijo la fiscalía el viernes fue que todo puede fallar y es aceptable, como los sistemas de señalización, el pilotaje automático, el sistema de comunicación entre el comando y el conductor, cortos circuitos y falta de mantenimiento; pero lo que es inaceptable es que un conductor no frene, es ofensivo y una burla para la memoria de los afectados”. Asi mismo el abogado anunció las acciones legales que la familia de Yaretzi comenzará en contra del Sistema de Transporte Colectivo Metro, pues niegan la veracidad de los argumentos que las autoridades brindaron a los medios de comunicación. Ya que aducen “Hemos ampliado la denuncia en contra del Metro por las omisiones en el control de la organización, a efectos de que sea ese sistema quien enfrente una investigación penal o que expliquen quién se va a hacer responsable”. A su vez Estupiñán acusó a la FGJ de no haber convocado a los involucrados en el accidente, así como a sus representantes legales en la audiencia celebrada el viernes en contra del chofer, presuntamente culpable del choque. Preciso “Ninguno de los que estamos aquí fuimos citados, caso que es una violación a nuestros derechos humanos porque ninguna de las víctimas fue a ratificar una denuncia, tampoco se nos compartió la copia de la carpeta de investigación. Solamente nos enteramos a través de los medios de comunicación de esa audiencia, son procesos en los que no estamos de acuerdo y son acciones ilegales que violan el código nacional de procedimientos y derechos constitucionales de la víctima, pues se les tiene que informar de todos los procesos”. TIEMPO EXTRA.- No sin antes adelantar que interpondrán una solicitud de nulidad y reposición de procedimiento, ya que se obstruyó su acceso a la justicia, además de que no aceptarán ningún cheque hasta que conozcan el alcance de la póliza del seguro. Aseguro que otra de las acusaciones que la familia interpondrá en contra del Metro será que a los médicos legistas que participaron en auxiliar a los lesionados se les dio la instrucción de clasificar las heridas como lesiones que tardan menos que 15 días en sanar, acto que según los afectados interrumpe su derecho la justicia. “Es inverosímil que cuando va un afectado en silla de ruedas con hojas clínicas que éstas dicen que sus lesiones requieren valoración nos digan que el médico legista aseguró que no es necesario mayor tiempo de recuperación. Además, dejaron fuera a Aranza (amiga de Yaretzi quien también presenció el accidente, no fue citada, la dejaron sin su derecho de acceso a la justicia y al de reparación del daño” DE PENALTY. Al final indico que ya solicitó a Ken Salazar, embajador de Estados Unidos, que en atención a los incidentes del Metro emita una alerta de viaje para que se le informe a los ciudadanos americanos acerca de los riesgos que implica utilizar el STC , una verdadera trampa de muerte a decir de miles de usuarios que a diario nos damos cita en esta carreta de transporte, que ya se colapso y requiere ingenieria nueva y no solo, paliativos dijo el asesor juridico. NI ESPERANZA ni arroz con la 4T.
SANLUNES TANDAS Y FUTBOL ( Mèxico vs Polonia, la gran incognita, Monreal el gran "traidor" dicen los guindas , burocràtas capitalinos se alinean y hacen alianza con la 4 T por la marcha del domingo, el alcadesito Quintero de Iztacalo es confrontado por los azules en el Congreso por el deslinde de las hermanas que cayeron a la alcantarilla y le echo la bolita a las autoridades capitalinas, se rompe la luna de miel con la jefa de jefas.
by REPOR CHUPER
Una vez mas en este piz...........pireta calumnia desinformativa que conste en otro tradicional San Lunes, con la resaca etilica de fin de semana, a la par la masa pambolera chaira y analfabeta politica se distrae con el cotejo de Mèxico vs Polonia en el Mundial de fucho en Qatar, este martes en donde seguramente el Tata Martino saldrà con otra de sus derrotas, pero los mexicanos curios ya andan en esos lares echando su vil desmadre como siempre chupando aunque este pohibido jejeje, a cambio la " masa critica del PRIPANPRD" piden salir de rosita este domingo 27 de noviembre en el zocalo. Pero el DT de la Nacion don Lopez Ganson, pide a sus huestes que lleven acarreados a la marcha, a jojojo, perdon que simpaticen con la 4 T para no hacer el ridiculo de sus cifras. En un madruguete el tal Monrealito primero se autodestapa, simula una convencion en la arena mexico, y presume sus cerca de 10 mil acarreados, pero se ira de espaldas cuando se entere si no es que ya, que los paleros de la jefa de gobierno , perdòn los operadores politicos ya hicieron alianza con los burrrocratas capitalinos de distintos sindicatos que por cierto ya estan controlados por los guindas. Atras quedaron los tiempos en que la CHETEME, CROM, CROC, CNC, CNOP mandaban a sus huestes al desfile presidencial, es decir ahora el corporativismo es de los morenos, no que no son iguales jejeje. Que tiempos señor don Cabezon perdon don Simon, mejor corre el PRIMER TIEMPO.- Con la intención de impulsar la candidatura presidencial de Claudia Sheinbaum, 130 organizaciones sindicales, civiles y defensores de los derechos humanos integraron la coalición “SUMA Construcción Social”, quienes también respaldarán al mandatario federal el macha que está convocando para el próximo 27 de noviembre. A su vez dicen la coalición será un espacio alternativo de organización y reflexión que tendrá por objetivo consolidar la Cuarta Transformación de México y busca reunir a movimientos sociales, estudiantiles, feministas, activistas culturales, defensores de derechos humanos, dirigentes indígenas, ecologistas, así como los sindicatos de la capital Efraín Morales, fue el encargado de presentar la organización política “SUMA Construcción Social”, adelantó que se formarán comités en cada uno de los estados de la República, pero por ahora comienza en la Ciudad de México. Algunos de los sindicatos y organizaciones que participan en “SUMA Construcción Social” son: Alianza de Organizaciones en la Ciudad de México (ADOC); Colectivo Vivienda CO. VI. DI.; Coordinadora de la Unidad Popular; Coordinación Integral de la CDMX (COI); Colectivo de Organizaciones del Movimiento Urbano Popular (COMUP); Organización Luchemos; Central Unitaria de Trabajadores (CUT); Movimiento Urbano Popular, Asamblea de Barrios, entre otras. SEGUNDO TIEMPO.- SÍ COMO EL SINDICATO ÚNICO DE TRABAJADORES DE LA CIUDAD DE MÉXICO; SINDICATO ÚNICO DE TRABAJADORES DE LA FGJ; SINDICATO DE TRABAJADORES DEL CONGRESO DE LA CIUDAD DE MÉXICO; SINDICATO DE TRABAJADORES DE TRANSPORTE DE PASAJEROS CDMX; SINDICATO NACIONAL DE TRABAJADORES DE LA SECRETARÍA DE SALUD; ALIANZA DE TRANVIARIOS DE MÉXICO; SINDICATO INDEPENDIENTE DE TRABAJADORES DE LA SECRETARÍA DE SEGURIDAD PÚBLICA; SINDICATO DEL INSTITUTO NACIONAL DE CARDIOLOGÍA LA CONFORMACIÓN DE “SUMA CONSTRUCCIÓN SOCIAL”,SE LLAMÓ A LA CIUDADANÍA A PARTICIPAR EN LA MARCHA DEL 27 DE NOVIEMBRE,A LA QUE CONVOCÓ EL PRESIDENTE ANDRÉS MANUEL LÓPEZ OBRADOR CON MOTIVO DE LA REFORMA ELECTORAL, MOVILIZACIÓN CON LA QUE SE COMPROMETIÓ A UNA FUERTE DIFUSIÓN Y UNA PARTICIPACIÓN MASIVA EN LA ORGANIZACIÓN “SUMA CONSTRUCCIÓN SOCIAL” PARTICIPA CORAL REVUELTAS, DOCTORA EN IMAGEN, ARTE, CULTURA Y SOCIEDAD, ASÍ COMO PETRA IGNACIO MATÍAS, QUIEN TAMBIÉN ES LÍDER DE LA COMUNIDAD INDÍGENA PLURICULTURAL DE LA CIUDAD DE MÉXICO DE IGUAL FORMA, LA INTEGRAN AFILIADOS AL SINDICATO DE TRABAJADORES DEL SISTEMA PENITENCIARIO DE LA CIUDAD DE MÉXICO, SINDICATO NACIONAL DE TRABAJADORES DEL HEROICO CUERPO DE BOMBEROS DE LA CDMX HONOR Y JUSTICIA; SINDICATO DE TRABAJADORES
TIEMPO EXTRA.- ASI LAS COSAS, SE ESPERAN ECRA DE 150 MIL TRABAJADORES CONTROLADOS POR LOS GUINDAS, BUENO HASTA LA FSTSE DEL ETERNO LIDER JOEL AYALA ALMEIDA SE SUMO JUNTO CON TRABAJADORES DE SALUD, DCIEN QUE EL MIEDOO NO ANDA EN BURRO NO SEA QUE LO INVESTIGUEN POR SUS MAROMAS CON LA LEY DEL ISSSTE APROBADA CON LA EX LIDER DE LA SNTE ELBA GORDILLO.
DE PENALTY.- EL ALCADESITO ARMANDO QUINTERO ES CONFRONTADO POR LOS LEGISLADORES DEL PAN EN EL CONGRESO POR EL CASO DE LAS HEMNAS. QUE PERDIERON LA VIDA EN UNA ALACANTARILLA SIN TAPA CUANDO IBAN A UN CONCIERTO DE ZOE, Y POR ENDE SE DESLINDO Y LE ECHO LA CULPA A LAS AUTORIDADES CAPITALINAS, Y SIN PENA ALGUNA YA INUNDO DE TENDEREROS CON SU IMAGEN LAS DIVERSAS COLONIAS DE LA CITADA ALCALDIA, NO QUE PRIMERO LOS POBRES, SERA PRIMERO LOS LOPEZ AFINES COMO ESTE EX CACIQUE SINDICAL DEL STUNAM Y EX DIRECTOR DE LA SETRAVI ENVUELTO EN ESCANDALOS MEDIATICOS , NI ARROZ.
Andrés Sepúlveda rigged elections throughout Latin America for almost a decade. He tells his story for the first time.
It was just before midnight when Enrique Peña Nieto declared victory as the newly elected president of Mexico. Peña Nieto was a lawyer and a millionaire, from a family of mayors and governors. His wife was a telenovela star. He beamed as he was showered with red, green, and white confetti at the Mexico City headquarters of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, which had ruled for more than 70 years before being forced out in 2000. Returning the party to power on that night in July 2012, Peña Nieto vowed to tame drug violence, fight corruption, and open a more transparent era in Mexican politics.
Two thousand miles away, in an apartment in Bogotá’s upscale Chicó Navarra neighborhood, Andrés Sepúlveda sat before six computer screens. Sepúlveda is Colombian, bricklike, with a shaved head, goatee, and a tattoo of a QR code containing an encryption key on the back of his head. On his nape are the words “</head>” and “<body>” stacked atop each other, dark riffs on coding. He was watching a live feed of Peña Nieto’s victory party, waiting for an official declaration of the results.
When Peña Nieto won, Sepúlveda began destroying evidence. He drilled holes in flash drives, hard drives, and cell phones, fried their circuits in a microwave, then broke them to shards with a hammer. He shredded documents and flushed them down the toilet and erased servers in Russia and Ukraine rented anonymously with Bitcoins. He was dismantling what he says was a secret history of one of the dirtiest Latin American campaigns in recent memory.
Enrique Peña Nieto
For eight years, Sepúlveda, now 31, says he traveled the continent rigging major political campaigns. With a budget of $600,000, the Peña Nieto job was by far his most complex. He led a team of hackers that stole campaign strategies, manipulated social media to create false waves of enthusiasm and derision, and installed spyware in opposition offices, all to help Peña Nieto, a right-of-center candidate, eke out a victory. On that July night, he cracked bottle after bottle of Colón Negra beer in celebration. As usual on election night, he was alone.
Sepúlveda’s career began in 2005, and his first jobs were small—mostly defacing campaign websites and breaking into opponents’ donor databases. Within a few years he was assembling teams that spied, stole, and smeared on behalf of presidential campaigns across Latin America. He wasn’t cheap, but his services were extensive. For $12,000 a month, a customer hired a crew that could hack smartphones, spoof and clone Web pages, and send mass e-mails and texts. The premium package, at $20,000 a month, also included a full range of digital interception, attack, decryption, and defense. The jobs were carefully laundered through layers of middlemen and consultants. Sepúlveda says many of the candidates he helped might not even have known about his role; he says he met only a few.
His teams worked on presidential elections in Nicaragua, Panama, Honduras, El Salvador, Colombia, Mexico, Costa Rica, Guatemala, and Venezuela. Campaigns mentioned in this story were contacted through former and current spokespeople; none but Mexico’s PRI and the campaign of Guatemala’s National Advancement Party would comment.
As a child, he witnessed the violence of Colombia’s Marxist guerrillas. As an adult, he allied with a right wing emerging across Latin America. He believed his hacking was no more diabolical than the tactics of those he opposed, such as Hugo Chávez and Daniel Ortega.
Many of Sepúlveda’s efforts were unsuccessful, but he has enough wins that he might be able to claim as much influence over the political direction of modern Latin America as anyone in the 21st century. “My job was to do actions of dirty war and psychological operations, black propaganda, rumors—the whole dark side of politics that nobody knows exists but everyone can see,” he says in Spanish, while sitting at a small plastic table in an outdoor courtyard deep within the heavily fortified offices of Colombia’s attorney general’s office. He’s serving 10 years in prison for charges including use of malicious software, conspiracy to commit crime, violation of personal data, and espionage, related to hacking during Colombia’s 2014 presidential election. He has agreed to tell his full story for the first time, hoping to convince the public that he’s rehabilitated—and gather support for a reduced sentence.
Usually, he says, he was on the payroll of Juan José Rendón, a Miami-based political consultant who’s been called the Karl Rove of Latin America. Rendón denies using Sepúlveda for anything illegal, and categorically disputes the account Sepúlveda gaveBloomberg Businessweek of their relationship, but admits knowing him and using him to do website design. “If I talked to him maybe once or twice, it was in a group session about that, about the Web,” he says. “I don’t do illegal stuff at all. There is negative campaigning. They don’t like it—OK. But if it’s legal, I’m gonna do it. I’m not a saint, but I’m not a criminal.” While Sepúlveda’s policy was to destroy all data at the completion of a job, he left some documents with members of his hacking teams and other trusted third parties as a secret “insurance policy.”
Sepúlveda provided Bloomberg Businessweek with what he says are e-mails showing conversations between him, Rendón, and Rendón’s consulting firm concerning hacking and the progress of campaign-related cyber attacks. Rendón says the e-mails are fake. An analysis by an independent computer security firm said a sample of the e-mails they examined appeared authentic. Some of Sepúlveda’s descriptions of his actions match published accounts of events during various election campaigns, but other details couldn’t be independently verified. One person working on the campaign in Mexico, who asked not to be identified out of fear for his safety, substantially confirmed Sepúlveda’s accounts of his and Rendón’s roles in that election.
Sepúlveda says he was offered several political jobs in Spain, which he says he turned down because he was too busy. On the question of whether the U.S. presidential campaign is being tampered with, he is unequivocal. “I’m 100 percent sure it is,” he says.
Sepúlveda grew up poor in Bucaramanga, eight hours north of Bogotá by car. His mother was a secretary. His father was an activist, helping farmers find better crops to grow than coca plants, and the family moved constantly because of death threats from drug traffickers. His parents divorced, and by the age of 15, after failing school, he went to live with his father in Bogotá and used a computer for the first time. He later enrolled in a local technology school and, through a friend there, learned to code.
In 2005, Sepúlveda’s older brother, a publicist, was helping with the congressional campaigns of a party aligned with then-Colombian President Alvaro Uribe. Uribe was a hero of the brothers, a U.S. ally who strengthened the military to fight the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). During a visit to party headquarters, Sepúlveda took out his laptop and began scanning the office’s wireless network. He easily tapped into the computer of Rendón, the party’s strategist, and downloaded Uribe’s work schedule and upcoming speeches. Sepúlveda says Rendón was furious—then hired him on the spot. Rendón says this never happened.
For decades, Latin American elections were rigged, not won, and the methods were pretty straightforward. Local fixers would hand out everything from small appliances to cash in exchange for votes. But in the 1990s, electoral reforms swept the region. Voters were issued tamper-proof ID cards, and nonpartisan institutes ran the elections in several countries. The modern campaign, at least a version North Americans might recognize, had arrived in Latin America.
Rendón had already begun a successful career based partly, according to his critics—and more than one lawsuit—on a mastery of dirty tricks and rumormongering. (In 2014, El Salvador’s then-President Carlos Mauricio Funes accused Rendón of orchestrating dirty war campaigns throughout Latin America. Rendón sued in Florida for defamation, but the court dismissed the case on the grounds that Funes couldn’t be sued for his official acts.) The son of democracy activists, he studied psychology and worked in advertising before advising presidential candidates in his native Venezuela. After accusing then-President Chávez of vote rigging in 2004, he left and never went back.
Sepúlveda’s first hacking job, he says, was breaking into an Uribe rival’s website, stealing a database of e-mail addresses, and spamming the accounts with disinformation. He was paid $15,000 in cash for a month’s work, five times as much as he made in his previous job designing websites.
Sepúlveda was dazzled by Rendón, who owned a fleet of luxury cars, wore big flashy watches, and spent thousands on tailored coats. Like Sepúlveda, he was a perfectionist. His staff was expected to arrive early and work late. “I was very young,” Sepúlveda says. “I did what I liked, I was paid well and traveled. It was the perfect job.” But more than anything, their right-wing politics aligned. Sepúlveda says he saw Rendón as a genius and a mentor. A devout Buddhist and practitioner of martial arts, according to his own website, Rendón cultivated an image of mystery and menace, wearing only all-black in public, including the occasional samurai robe. On his website he calls himself the political consultant who is the “best paid, feared the most, attacked the most, and also the most demanded and most efficient.” Sepúlveda would have a hand in that.
Rendón, says Sepúlveda, saw that hackers could be completely integrated into a modern political operation, running attack ads, researching the opposition, and finding ways to suppress a foe’s turnout. As for Sepúlveda, his insight was to understand that voters trusted what they thought were spontaneous expressions of real people on social media more than they did experts on television and in newspapers. He knew that accounts could be faked and social media trends fabricated, all relatively cheaply. He wrote a software program, now called Social Media Predator, to manage and direct a virtual army of fake Twitter accounts. The software let him quickly change names, profile pictures, and biographies to fit any need. Eventually, he discovered, he could manipulate the public debate as easily as moving pieces on a chessboard—or, as he puts it, “When I realized that people believe what the Internet says more than reality, I discovered that I had the power to make people believe almost anything.”
Most jobs were initiated in person. Sepúlveda says Rendón would give him a piece of paper with target names, e-mail addresses, and phone numbers. Sepúlveda would take the note to his hotel, enter the data into an encrypted file, then burn the page or flush it down the toilet. If Rendón needed to send an e-mail, he used coded language. To “caress” meant to attack; to “listen to music” meant to intercept a target’s phone calls.According to Sepúlveda, his payments were made in cash, half upfront. When he traveled, he used a fake passport and stayed alone in a hotel, far from campaign staff. No one could bring a smartphone or camera into his room.
Rendón and Sepúlveda took pains not to be seen together. They communicated over encrypted phones, which they replaced every two months. Sepúlveda says he sent daily progress reports and intelligence briefings from throwaway e-mail accounts to a go-between in Rendón’s consulting firm.
Each job ended with a specific, color-coded destruct sequence. On election day, Sepúlveda would purge all data classified as “red.” Those were files that could send him and his handlers to prison: intercepted phone calls and e-mails, lists of hacking victims, and confidential briefings he prepared for the campaigns. All phones, hard drives, flash drives, and computer servers were physically destroyed. Less-sensitive “yellow” data—travel schedules, salary spreadsheets, fundraising plans—were saved to an encrypted thumb drive and given to the campaigns for one final review. A week later it, too, would be destroyed.
For most jobs, Sepúlveda assembled a crew and operated out of rental homes and apartments in Bogotá. He had a rotating group of 7 to 15 hackers brought in from across Latin America, drawing on the various regions’ specialties. Brazilians, in his view, develop the best malware. Venezuelans and Ecuadoreans are superb at scanning systems and software for vulnerabilities. Argentines are mobile intercept artists. Mexicans are masterly hackers in general but talk too much. Sepúlveda used them only in emergencies.
The assignments lasted anywhere from a few days to several months. In Honduras, Sepúlveda defended the communications and computer systems of presidential candidate Porfirio Lobo Sosa from hackers employed by his competitors. In Guatemala, he digitally eavesdropped on six political and business figures, and says he delivered the data to Rendón on encrypted flash drives at dead drops. (Sepúlveda says it was a small job for a client of Rendón’s who has ties to the right-wing National Advancement Party, or PAN. The PAN says it never hired Rendón and has no knowledge of any of his claimed activities.) In Nicaragua in 2011, Sepúlveda attacked Ortega, who was running for his third presidential term. In one of the rare jobs in which he was working for a client other than Rendón, he broke into the e-mail account of Rosario Murillo, Ortega’s wife and the government’s chief spokeswoman, and stole a trove of personal and government secrets.
In Venezuela in 2012, the team abandoned its usual caution, animated by disgust with Chávez. With Chávez running for his fourth term, Sepúlveda posted an anonymized YouTube clip of himself rifling through the e-mail of one of the most powerful people in Venezuela, Diosdado Cabello, then president of the National Assembly. He also went outside his tight circle of trusted hackers and rallied Anonymous, the hacktivist group, to attack Chávez’s website.
After Sepúlveda hacked Cabello’s Twitter account, Rendón seemed to congratulate him. “Eres noticia :)”—you’re news—he wrote in a Sept. 9, 2012, e-mail, linking to a story about the breach. (Rendón says he never sent such an e-mail.) Sepúlveda provided screen shots of a dozen e-mails, and many of the original e-mails, showing that from November 2011 to September 2012 Sepúlveda sent long lists of government websites he hacked for various campaigns to a senior member of Rendón’s consulting firm, lacing them with hacker slang (“Owned!” read one). Two weeks before Venezuela’s presidential election, Sepúlveda sent screen shots showing how he’d hacked Chávez’s website and could turn it on and off at will.
Chávez won but died five months later of cancer, triggering an emergency election, won by Nicolás Maduro. The day before Maduro claimed victory, Sepúlveda hacked his Twitter account and posted allegations of election fraud. Blaming “conspiracy hackings from abroad,” the government of Venezuela disabled the Internet across the entire country for 20 minutes.
In Mexico, Sepúlveda’s technical mastery and Rendón’s grand vision for a ruthless political machine fully came together, fueled by the huge resources of the PRI. The years under President Felipe Calderón and the National Action Party (also, as in Partido Acción Nacional, PAN) were plagued by a grinding war against the drug cartels, which made kidnappings, street assassinations, and beheadings ordinary. As 2012 approached, the PRI offered the youthful energy of Peña Nieto, who’d just finished a successful term as governor.
Sepúlveda didn’t like the idea of working in Mexico, a dangerous country for involvement in public life. But Rendón persuaded him to travel there for short trips, starting in 2008, often flying him in on his private jet. Working at one point in Tabasco, on the sweltering Gulf of Mexico, Sepúlveda hacked a political boss who turned out to have connections to a drug cartel. After Rendón’s security team learned of a plan to kill Sepúlveda, he spent a night in an armored Chevy Suburban before returning to Mexico City.
Mexico is effectively a three-party system, and Peña Nieto faced opponents from both right and left. On the right, the ruling PAN nominated Josefina Vázquez Mota, its first female presidential candidate. On the left, the Democratic Revolution Party, or PRD, chose Andrés Manuel López Obrador, a former Mexico City mayor.
Early polls showed Peña Nieto 20 points ahead, but his supporters weren’t taking chances. Sepúlveda’s team installed malware in routers in the headquarters of the PRD candidate, which let him tap the phones and computers of anyone using the network, including the candidate. He took similar steps against PAN’s Vázquez Mota. When the candidates’ teams prepared policy speeches, Sepúlveda had the details as soon as a speechwriter’s fingers hit the keyboard. Sepúlveda saw the opponents’ upcoming meetings and campaign schedules before their own teams did.
Money was no problem. At one point, Sepúlveda spent $50,000 on high-end Russian software that made quick work of tapping Apple, BlackBerry, and Android phones. He also splurged on the very best fake Twitter profiles; they’d been maintained for at least a year, giving them a patina of believability.
Sepúlveda managed thousands of such fake profiles and used the accounts to shape discussion around topics such as Peña Nieto’s plan to end drug violence, priming the social media pump with views that real users would mimic. For less nuanced work, he had a larger army of 30,000 Twitter bots, automatic posters that could create trends. One conversation he started stoked fear that the more López Obrador rose in the polls, the lower the peso would sink. Sepúlveda knew the currency issue was a major vulnerability; he’d read it in the candidate’s own internal staff memos.
Just about anything the digital dark arts could offer to Peña Nieto’s campaign or important local allies, Sepúlveda and his team provided. On election night, he had computers call tens of thousands of voters with prerecorded phone messages at 3 a.m. in the critical swing state of Jalisco. The calls appeared to come from the campaign of popular left-wing gubernatorial candidate Enrique Alfaro Ramírez. That angered voters—that was the point—and Alfaro lost by a slim margin. In another governor’s race, in Tabasco, Sepúlveda set up fake Facebook accounts of gay men claiming to back a conservative Catholic candidate representing the PAN, a stunt designed to alienate his base. “I always suspected something was off,” the candidate, Gerardo Priego, said recently when told how Sepúlveda’s team manipulated social media in the campaign.
In May, Peña Nieto visited Mexico City’s Ibero-American University and was bombarded by angry chants and boos from students. The rattled candidate retreated with his bodyguards into an adjacent building, hiding, according to some social media posts, in a bathroom. The images were a disaster. López Obrador soared.
The PRI was able to recover after one of López Obrador’s consultants was caught on tape asking businessmen for $6 million to fund his candidate’s broke campaign, in possible violation of Mexican laws. Although the hacker says he doesn’t know the origin of that particular recording, Sepúlveda and his team had been intercepting the communications of the consultant, Luis Costa Bonino, for months. (On Feb. 2, 2012, Rendón appears to have sent him three e-mail addresses and a cell phone number belonging to Costa Bonino in an e-mail called “Job.”) Sepúlveda’s team disabled the consultant’s personal website and directed journalists to a clone site. There they posted what looked like a long defense written by Costa Bonino, which casually raised questions about whether his Uruguayan roots violated Mexican restrictions on foreigners in elections. Costa Bonino left the campaign a few days later. He indicated recently that he knew he was being spied on, he just didn’t know how. It goes with the trade in Latin America: “Having a phone hacked by the opposition is not a novelty. When I work on a campaign, the assumption is that everything I talk about on the phone will be heard by the opponents.”
The press office for Peña Nieto declined to comment. A spokesman for the PRI said the party has no knowledge of Rendón working for Peña Nieto’s or any other PRI campaign. Rendón says he has worked on behalf of PRI candidates in Mexico for 16 years, from August 2000 until today.
In 2012, Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos, Uribe’s successor, unexpectedly restarted peace talks with the FARC, hoping to end a 50-year war. Furious, Uribe, whose father was killed by FARC guerrillas, created a party and backed an alternative candidate, Oscar Iván Zuluaga, who opposed the talks.
Rendón, who was working for Santos, wanted Sepúlveda to join his team, but Sepúlveda turned him down. He considered Rendón’s willingness to work for a candidate supporting peace with the FARC a betrayal and suspected the consultant was going soft, choosing money over principles. Sepúlveda says he was motivated by ideology first and money second, and that if he wanted to get rich he could have made a lot more hacking financial systems than elections. For the first time, he decided to oppose his mentor.
Sepúlveda went to work for the opposition, reporting directly to Zuluaga’s campaign manager, Luis Alfonso Hoyos. (Zuluaga denies any knowledge of hacking; Hoyos couldn’t be reached for comment.) Together, Sepúlveda says, they came up with a plan to discredit the president by showing that the guerrillas continued to traffic in drugs and violence even as they talked about peace. Within months, Sepúlveda hacked the phones and e-mail accounts of more than 100 militants, including the FARC’s leader, Rodrigo Londoño, also known as Timochenko. After assembling a thick file on the FARC, including evidence of the group’s suppression of peasant votes in the countryside, Sepúlveda agreed to accompany Hoyos to the offices of a Bogotá TV news program and present the evidence.
It may not have been wise to work so doggedly and publicly against a party in power. A month later, Sepúlveda was smoking on the terrace of his Bogotá office when he saw a caravan of police vehicles pull up. Forty black-clad commandos raided the office to arrest him. Sepúlveda blamed his carelessness at the TV station for the arrest. He believes someone there turned him in. In court, he wore a bulletproof vest and sat surrounded by guards with bomb shields. In the back of the courtroom, men held up pictures of his family, making a slashing gesture across their throats or holding a hand over their mouths—stay silent or else. Abandoned by former allies, he eventually pleaded guilty to espionage, hacking, and other crimes in exchange for a 10-year sentence.
Three days after arriving at Bogotá’s La Picota prison, he went to the dentist and was ambushed by men with knives and razors, but was saved by guards. A week later, guards woke him and rushed him from his cell, saying they had heard about a plot to shoot him with a silenced pistol as he slept. After national police intercepted phone calls revealing yet another plot, he’s now in solitary confinement at a maximum-security facility in a rundown area of central Bogotá. He sleeps with a bulletproof blanket and vest at his bedside, behind bombproof doors. Guards check on him every hour. As part of his plea deal, he says, he’s turned government witness, helping investigators assess possible cases against the former candidate, Zuluaga, and his strategist, Hoyos. Authorities issued an indictment for the arrest of Hoyos, but according to Colombian press reports he’s fled to Miami.
When Sepúlveda leaves for meetings with prosecutors at the Bunker, the attorney general’s Bogotá headquarters, he travels in an armed caravan including six motorcycles speeding through the capital at 60 mph, jamming cell phone signals as they go to block tracking of his movements or detonation of roadside bombs.
In July 2015, Sepúlveda sat in the small courtyard of the Bunker, poured himself a cup of coffee from a thermos, and took out a pack of Marlboro cigarettes. He says he wants to tell his story because the public doesn’t grasp the power hackers exert over modern elections or the specialized skills needed to stop them. “I worked with presidents, public figures with great power, and did many things with absolutely no regrets because I did it with full conviction and under a clear objective, to end dictatorship and socialist governments in Latin America,” he says. “I have always said that there are two types of politics—what people see and what really makes things happen. I worked in politics that are not seen.”
Sepúlveda says he’s allowed a computer and a monitored Internet connection as part of an agreement to help the attorney general’s office track and disrupt drug cartels using a version of his Social Media Predator software. The government will not confirm or deny that he has access to a computer, or what he’s using it for. He says he has modified Social Media Predator to counteract the kind of sabotage he used to specialize in, including jamming candidates’ Facebook walls and Twitter feeds. He’s used it to scan 700,000 tweets from pro-Islamic State accounts to learn what makes a good terror recruiter. Sepúlveda says the program has been able to identify ISIS recruiters minutes after they create Twitter accounts and start posting, and he hopes to share the information with the U.S. or other countries fighting the Islamist group. Samples of Sepúlveda’s code evaluated by an independent company found it authentic and substantially original.
Sepúlveda’s contention that operations like his happen on every continent is plausible, says David Maynor, who runs a security testing company in Atlanta called Errata Security. Maynor says he occasionally gets inquiries for campaign-related jobs. His company has been asked to obtain e-mails and other documents from candidates’ computers and phones, though the ultimate client is never disclosed. “Those activities do happen in the U.S., and they happen all the time,” he says.
In one case, Maynor was asked to steal data as a security test, but the individual couldn’t show an actual connection to the campaign whose security he wanted to test. In another, a potential client asked for a detailed briefing on how a candidate’s movements could be tracked by switching out the user’s iPhone for a bugged clone. “For obvious reasons, we always turned them down,” says Maynor, who declines to name the candidates involved.
Three weeks before Sepúlveda’s arrest, Rendón was forced to resign from Santos’s campaign amid allegations in the press that he took $12 million from drug traffickers and passed part of it on to the candidate, something he denies.
According to Rendón, Colombian officials interviewed him shortly afterward in Miami, where he keeps a home. Rendón says that Colombian investigators asked him about Sepúlveda and that he told them Sepúlveda’s role was limited to Web development.
Rendón denies working with Sepúlveda in any meaningful capacity. “He says he worked with me in 20 places, and the truth is he didn’t,” Rendón says. “I never paid Andrés Sepúlveda a peso.”
Last year, based on anonymous sources, the Colombian media reported that Rendón was working for Donald Trump’s presidential campaign. Rendón calls the reports untrue. The campaign did approach him, he says, but he turned them down because he dislikes Trump. “To my knowledge we are not familiar with this individual,” says Trump’s spokeswoman, Hope Hicks. “I have never heard of him, and the same goes for other senior staff members.” But Rendón says he’s in talks with another leading U.S. presidential campaign—he wouldn’t say which—to begin working for it once the primaries wrap up and the general election begins.
